Marx

Class power, held by bourgeois capitalists, links to political power, which links to industrial-economic power over the laboring classes. As soon as one kind of oppressive power is abolished, so will the other sort be. Power ratios will likely be transformed. When . . . class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated inside the hands of the vast association on the whole nation, the public power will lose its political [= oppressive] character. . . .

If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organise itself like a class, if, by way of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the problems for ones existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its personal supremacy as being a class (Marx, "Manifesto" 490-91). Marx does not deal from the consequences of revolution. He ignores the pounds of evidence of acquisitive and proprietary tendencies throughout the whole of human history. He is vague around the mechanism of enforcement of classless equality.

There is also a difficulty of Marx's discourse method. After he requirements to prove that industrial machines have aggravated the class struggle, he refers on the "charm" a worker's craft holds for him (479), with charm getting a moral value connected to labor rather than a hard thing o f analysis. Now 1 require not be a proponent of dirty and damaging factories to see that a revolutionary proletariat could be seduced by power and property, for instance bourgeois capitalists that preceded them. Durkheim's discussion of what is wrong with current industrial society centers on the relationship on the individual for the society like a whole, and on competition in between groups for advantage and power. His factor of departure is really a discussion of division of labor that descends, not into social cohesion, but rather into a "relationship in between the organs [of society] . . . not regulated [but] . . . inside a country of anomie" (Durkheim 304).

Like Marx, Durkheim cites the historic "hostility between labour and capital," noting that in large-scale industrial production situations, wherever workers are separated physically from their bosses, working classes "do not incredibly desire the status assigned to them" but do not have "any means of gaining any other status" (292-3). Durkheim feels that federal government regulation is largely inadequate towards the employment of overseeing the numerous shapes of labor-management relations. Durkheim calls straightforwardly for justice and more contractual equality where exchanges among labor and capital take in place. That is a call for large-scale liberal reform, which Marx specifically repudiates as insufficient against pathological social structure.

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